In former reports concerning labor conditions I have referred to Raul Edward Mahecha, the so-called leader of the communists. He was the ring leader in the banana strike at Santa Marta over a year ago. ... Last week Mahecha came into the country of his own accord and began a journey toward Bogotá. Upon his arrival at Girardot he was arrested and brought to Bogotá where he is now in jail.
General Carlos Cortes Vargas who commanded the troops and who was the subject of harsh criticism in the last congress, for his actions taken at the time of the trouble, has suddenly left the country and is on his way to the United States. There have been several attempts to assassinate General Cortes Vargas on the streets of Bogotá. The presence of Mahecha in Colombia has caused General Cortes Vargas to believe that more drastic attempts against his life would be made.
Propaganda of Domestic Origin, G-2 Report, March 20, 1930Articles 42 and 47 of the Constitution provides [sic] that the press is free in time of peace, but is responsible to the laws when it attempts to commit any crime against the honor of individuals, against social order or public tranquility. Editorial newspaper enterprises cannot, without permission from the Government, receive aid from other Governments nor from foreign companies. Companies and public or private associations may be formed that are not harmful to morality or legal order. Popular political meetings of permanent character are prohibited. All religious associations must be registered with the civil authorities, previous authorization being given by the superior officers of the Church, in order that they may remain under the protection of the laws.
The government's policy in the past has been to prosecute, as it deemed just, all political enemies who attacked its administration as was demonstrated during the Reyes regime. ... during Concha's regime (1914-1918) Abadia Mendez, Minister of Government, instigated and had passed a law giving more fredom to the press. However, in 1928, to protect himself from the criticism of the press, President Abadia forced through Congress the so-called Heroic Law which provides that "The Government shall prescribe all regulative means conducive to the strict fulfillment of articles 42 and 47 of the Constitution and legal steps to protect property and social order". ...
It is believed that there is entirely too much freedom of speech and action in this country in spite of the above restrictions and it would be much better for all concerned if the above laws were strictly enforced.
Freedom of Speech and Action, July 23, 1930I have the honor to report that Mr. Thomas Bradshaw, Manager in Colombia of the United Fruit Company, has just informed me that he is in receipt of telegraphic advices to the effect that an unruly Communist meeting at Uacamayel, near Sevilla, in the Department of Magdalena, was broken up by the National Police yesterday, and that in the course of the incident, one laborer was killed and four Communists were arrested. Mr. Bradshaw had no further details as yet but stated that Communist agitation had been particularly violent recently in connection with the visit to the banana region of the Congressional Committee of Investigation. Despatch #1849 from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, November 3, 1930
Communist disorders were reported in four small towns during the months of April and May [1931].
On April 12, a clash occurred between the Liberals and the Communist branch of that party in the town of Pereira, Department of Caldas. Both guns and stones were employed, and EL NUEVO TIEMPO reported six persons wounded by bullets and six by stones before the police had the situation in hand.
The other three disturbances took place on Labor Day, May 1, the most serious being that which occurred in the town of Coyaima, Department of Tolima. Four hundred armed peasants attacked the town, sacking the official liquor dispensary and burning three business houses and various residences. The citizens of the town, knowing the inability of the scanty police force to cope with four hundred men, armed themselves and, with the aid of a detachment of departmental police, drove out the rural invaders. The latter suffered five causalties and the citizens of Coyaima, two. The attackers shouted "Viva Communism" and brandished red flags. Investigators attribute the disturbance partly to an Indian leader named Lame, who has organized a government (or what he claims is a government) of his own based on exploitation of a large number of Indians. A further account of the activities of this chief is contained in the clippings from EL TIEMPO of May 6 enclosed herewith.
The third disturbance also occurred on May 1 in Girardot (Department of Cundinamarca), where the Communists, under the leadership of Pablo E. Sabogal and others from Bogotá, carried out a demonstration against President Olaya, asserting that the Government had been "sold to the North Americans by the conclusion ofthe Catabumbo contract". ...
There was a fourth Communist disturbance in the town fo Neiva, Department of Huila, on May 1, when a Communist demonstration led by two negroes from the coast was broken up by Liberals. ...
It was further reported on May 18 that a band of approximately 160 Communists armed with guns and machetes had taken refuge near Coyaima and were pillaging cattle. Armed forces were despatched by the Governments of both Tolima and Huila to restore order in this district.
Communist Movement in Viotá Put Down. ... The troops had little difficulty in restoring order, although the minor clashes which occurred resulted in the wounding of one man. Ten or fifteen Communist prisoners were taken, one of whom, Carlos N. Trujillo, was found to be in possession of a quantity of subversive literature.
Communist Disturbances, June 5, 1931As far as I can see there is virtually no communistic activity in Colombia. Of course, there are people who sympathize with communistic ideas as ther are all over the world and who now speak more about it due to the economic depression; and there are even marauders whose deeds are usually reported as communistic exploits; but in fact they are probably only the acts of jobless people in desperate straits who would have acted hust the same if they had never heard of communism. It has become customary to attribute to communism almost any wholesale violation of law and order that cannot easily be classified as common crime.
There are a few who openly advocate communism, but very few, and I doubt very much that there are actually in Colombia any agents of communistic propaganda sent and paid by Russia as it is sometimes averred. ... I might even mention that just yesterday three "communist leaders" have been arrested here in Bogota -- Angel Maria Carrascal, Luis Vidales, and Osvaldo Montoya Jaramillo -- together with four of their friends, on the charge of communistic propaganda because they announced they would start to publish, on August 1st, a communistic newspaper called "Tierra" ("Land").
Stability of Government: Armed Revolutionary Movements (#494), G-2 Report, July 15, 1932I have the honor to report that about 6:45 p.m. on Monday, March 18, a mob of several hundred men assembled in front of this Legation, led by a small group of Communists carrying a red flag. The groups also carried posters protesting against "American intervention in Cuba" and speeches were made on this subject. After about fifteen minutes the police appeared and, displaying considerable energy and force which resulted in the confinement of several workers to the hospital, dispersed the gathering. Communist Demonstration in Front of the Legation, March 20, 1935
"Follow the party tactic of kidnapping enemies. The proletariat must be accustomed to proceeding itself against enemies. When the latter are capitalists, money should always be demanded for their release. This will serve to provide funds for the difficult moments of the struggle. When the masses have become revolution conscious, and when the enemy is a powerful one, causing the latter to disappear may be tried.
For the moment we do not advise insurrection. The time is not yet ripe. Perhaps within two or three years a propitious moment may arrive. Our Colombian comrades should forward us a very complete study of the best ways for introducing arms and ammunition. Do not forget to send us samples of the new bills issued by the Government of Colombia.
The means for forwarding correspondence, etc., should be changed immediately [if] it is suspected that it is being watched.
With revolutionary salutes,
The Communist International
South American Secretariat.
Moscow. November 5, 1937.Although the Colombian Communist Party's weekly journal Tierra, a copy of which is transmitted as an enclosure herewith, states that the document is a falsification, it is not believed that the editor and the publishers of LA RAZON would resort to such a measure. Communist Activities in Colombia, Jan. 8, 1938
Liberal vs. Conservative Violence
It is natural, in the fact of election disturbances whose death toll doubtless exceeded that of all the recent revolutions in South America combined, and with political passions throughout the Republic still inflamed to a very high pitch, that the thought of revolution should occur to superficial observers. I am inclined, however, to regard the situation as a police problem - an extremely serious police problem, indeed, and one with which the police have not been able satisfactorily to cope, but a police problem nevertheless.
The ill feeling is between Conservatives and Liberals and is at present in no sense directed against the constituted government. On the contrary, the post-election situation in Congress and among the more influential politicians has been characterized by an almost disorderly scramble to win favor with the Olaya Administration. The disorders, moreover, have been entirely lacking in organization and have apparently had their origin among the lowest and least influential elements among the opposing parties. They have been, in fact, in the nature of local feuds among poor and ignorant partisans, with which the name of no well-known politician has been closely connected.
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, January 16, 1931I have the honor to inform the Department that as the result of reported attempts by unknown persons on the night of January 27 to set fire to buildings in the unburned section of Buenaventura, martial law has been declared, and additional policement ahve been sworn in to aid the municipal and departmental police forces, and the soldiers, in preventing further attempts, and possibly effecting the capture of those responsible. Martial Law Declared in Buenaventura, January 28, 1931
With reference to my despatch No. 2243 of February 16 and previous reports concerning the unsettled political situation in Colombia, I have the honor to report that, while still regarding the possibility of serious outbreak as remote, the Legation has made certain inquiries into the military situation in this connection, with the assistance of the Military Attaché. ...
The Army, built up during a period of Conservative ascendancy in Colombia, is believed to be Conservative in sympathy, although its recent detachment from politics has been marked, and during the recent election disturbances its conduct brought forth comparatively little criticism on the score of political partiality. When the presidential campaign of 1929-1930 was in its incipiency, the Conservative candidate, General Vásquez Cobo, was believed to enjoy strong Army support as against his Conservative opponent, Dr. Guillermo Valencia, but measures taken by the Abadía administraton, including the transfer and dismissal of a number of influential officers. did much to check the Vasquista tendency in the Army. It may be added that enthusiasm for President Olaya Herrera personally appears to be very common among army officers.
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, February 19, 1931The political situation in the Province of García Rovira, Department of Santander, which has been unsettled for the past six months, was aggravated during August by further fighting between unruly Conservative and Liberal partisans.
The outstanding casualty was the killing of Dr. Carlos Ordóñez Suárez, a Judge of the National Police, who was killed instantly when a party of five Liberals motoring to Bogotá was ambushed and fired upon by about thirty men, on the road between Capitanejo and Málaga.
Continued Disorders in Santander, Sept. 1, 1931, (color image)According to EL TIEMPO of February 11, a band of approximately two hundred Conservatives burned and sacked houses and killed cattle in the towns of Pangote, Mogotocoro and El Hato, García Rovira, on February 9. Order was restored by troops the following day. Attempts to pacify the García Rovira region, where hatred between traditionally Liberal and Conservative towns and country districts is tremendously bitter seems hopeless. Political Disorders in García Rovira, March 3, 1932
A clash between Liberals and Conservatives on March 29 on the road between Guaca and San Andrés in the political hotbed of García Rovira Province, Santander, caused the death of 15 men, 11 Liberals and 4 Conservatives. ...
Early in March, the principal topic in the Colombian press was a controversy over the formation and functioning of "civil guards" and "civil militias" by the Liberal Party in various parts of the country. The Conservative press and Party objected to the organizations as imperilling the peace of the country, whereas Liberals defended them, stating that they were intended merely for the defense of civil rights and the support of the authorities. President Olaya cut the Gordian know presented by these seemingly incompatible standpoints by the issuance of Executive Resolution No. 15 of (March 17) 1932. This resolution expressly permitted the establishment and meeting of purely civil groups for party purposes, including "the defense of their rights by legal means and through the authorities, but not by their own hands." On the other hand, groups with a military organization, armed or not, were forbidden to organize or function. The results was the disbandment of the bodies to which objection had been raised.
Disorders Continue in Santander, April 4, 1932A conference was held in Bogotá on April 25 between the Minister of Government and members of the National Directorates of the Liberal and Conservative Parties in which it was decided to "take energetic measures" to remedy the situation of political unrest in the country. Mention was made of García Rovira as well as western Boyacá. The Minister of Government accounced on April 27 that martial law would be declared only as a last recourse and that meanwhile a regiment of 300 men would be stationed permanently at Chiquinquirá with orders to disarm civilians and to make frequent visits to all places where there have been disorders. Political Disturbances in Boyacá, May 3, 1932
Political crimes are continually being committed in Colombia, notwithstanding the frequent denials by Colombian officials abroad, but recently things are getting worse. During the last three or four months at least a dozen murders were committed that were attributed solely to political passions between the conservatives and liberals, that is: not counting the murders perpetrated for mere robbery. The Departments where this strife for supremacy is worse are those of Cundinamarca and South Santander.
The National Police has raided during the last few months many political clubs and private homes in search for firearms. According to newspaper reports about fifteen hundred arms - rifles, shotguns, pistols and revolvers - have been confiscated in these raids. ...
Stability of Government: Armed Revolutionary Movements. (#475), G-2 Report, May 13, 1932Olaya tonight sent for me and said that he received warnings in March that Conservative attacks on Liberals in Boyaca, North Santander and elsewhere were being plotted, intention being to develop movement into uprising against Government. He at first took rumors lightly but serious clashes in western Boyaca in late April and sudden outbreak of guerrilla warfare in Santander within last few days have caused him to change his opinion.
The President inquired whether if conditions became worse and he made request War Department could sell and deliver immediately in Canal Zone for transportation to Colombian, Atlantic and Pacific ports arms and ammunition mentioned in enclosure to despatch number 2495 of April 22, 1931.
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, May 17, 1932The Department has consulted the War Department, which states that unfortunately it has no surplus stocks available either in the United States or at the Canal Zone ... The War Department is of the opinion, however, that the arms and munitions listed ... can be purchased from private manufacturers in the United States, with the exception of the mountain guns, and that prompt delivery could probably be made. Telegram from State Department to Bogotá Embassy, May 18, 1932
Political Disturbances in North Santander, May 21, 1932
G-2 Report. Stability of Government: Armed Revolutionary Movements (#477), May 23, 1932
Political Disorders in Manizales, Feb. 2, 1933 On January 1, 1934, a band of Conservative partisans seized the town of Arboledas in that Department. It was dislodged by troops sent from the garrison at Cúcuta on January 4. It will be recalled that the southwestern section of North Santander, especially Arboledas, together with the neighboring province of García Rovira in the Department of Santander, has been the scene of repeated armed strife between Liberal and Conservative bands during the past two years. The January 4 skirmish was, however, the first serious encounter between any of the feudists and Government troops.The Government has attributed the Arboledas incident to "bandit" activities while the administration press has alleged that Conservative farmers were led to make the attack by incendiary speeches of local Conservative leaders and minor members of clergy.
Disturbances in North Santander, January 11, 1934
Disorders of a political nature broke out in Riosucio, a small town near Manizales, on August 12 when a group of Conservatives, instigated by inflammatory speeches, attacked Liberals of the town, resulting in the death of five persons and the wounding of about 20. Political Disturbances, Sept. 20, 1934
Conservative Manifestation at Pensilvania (Caldas) leads to bloody Clash, October 21, 1936
Dr. Gómez gave as another cause for revolution abuses of the Church by the Liberal Party. He was satisfied that had not Franco won in Spain violent elements in Colombia would have taken to the burning of churches and this the Conservatives would have resisted by force of arms. When I expressed my surprise and said that I had observed that all Colombians seemed to respect the Church, he agreed but said taht it was a small minority headed by Alfonso López who were responsible for the abuse of the Church - a Church which he claimed studiously refrained from participation in politics. ...
When I endeavored to pin Dr. Gómez down to what were the factors which made Conservatives less friendly than the Liberals, he said it was the former's determination that the Anglo-Saxon and Latin cultures should run along parallel paths. They were both fine cultures but could not be mixed.
Spruille Braden's Interview with Dr. Laureano Gómez, April 27, 1939
Leticia incident: News concerning the army to be censored by the Ministry of War, April 6, 1933 [Border dispute with Peru]
UNIR and the Agrarian Problem
The two leading Liberal members of the Assembly of Antioquia are Jorge Eliécer Gaitán, well-known leader of the left wing of the Liberal Party, and Gabriel Turbay, close personal friend and adherent of Alfonso López, official head of the Party. When attacks on the National and Departmental Administrations by Laureano Gómez and the Conservative majority began in the Antioquian Assembly, it was naturally expected that Turbay would figure prominently in the Liberal opposition. Instead, however, Turbay left hurriedly for Bogotá and the oratorical burden of the defense was assumed practically entirely by Gaitán. Since then telegrams have been exchanged between Alfonso López on the one hand and Laureano Gómez, General Pedro J. Berrío and Dr. Gonzalo Restrepo Jaramillo on the other, all tending to suggest a peaceful and harmonious settlement of the differences which have arisen.
As the Department is aware, Laureano Gómez and Alfonso López are close personal friends and, as indicated in some of my despatches at the time of López' return from Europe, they are generally thought in well-informed circles to be working in conjunction.
General Internal Political Situation, April 3, 1933Troubles between landowners and tenants or "colonos" (squatters) have arisen from time to time in the Departments of Cundinamarca, the Valle, Boyacá, and Tolima, especially the first two, where most of the large landed estates are to be found; they are chronic in the southern section of Cundinamarca. In Antioquia and Caldas, the two richest agricultural Departments, rural property, producing principally coffee, is well distributed and the problem has not arisen to any appreciable extent.
The question has undoubtedly been brought to the fore at this time largely because of the activities of Jorge Eliécer Gaitán and Carlos Arango Vélez, radical Liberal leaders, in their attempt to organize a new political party. Due to their efforts there has come into being an organization known as the Unión Nacional Izquierdista Revolucionaria (National Left-wing Revolutionary Union), generally referred to as the UNIR, whose members are mostly peons and rural laborers. In agrarian matters it appears to advocate the right of tenants and squatters to own the land they work and the expropriation of private property and its reapportionment among rural laborers; the question of the manner in which proprietors are to be reimbursed, if at all, is not clear.
The agrarian problem was really brought into the limelight of public attention by an incident which occurred last month on an hacienda called El Chocho, near Fusagasugá. Several hundred squatters living on the hacienda organized during the latter part of July, evidently at the instigation of the UNIR, and began cutting down trees on an uncultivated part of the property and selling the timber. The owners of the property, being unable to persuade the squatters to cease their depredations, appealed to the Government authorities, whose orders were also unheeded. In the meantime the recalcitrant squatters were joined by other peons in the vicinity until they numbered more than 1,000, and continued their depredations. It was not until troops were sent to the scene of disorder about the middle of August and arrested a number of the ringleaders that the squatters ceased their activities and returned to their regular work on various haciendas. From time to time similar disturbances in sympathy with the squatters at El Chocho were reported at Viotá, Anapoima, Pasca, Soacha, and other towns in southern Cundinamarca. The arrival of police forces at these places, however, soon quelled incipient trouble.
Agrarian Problem in Colombia, Aug. 22, 1933 Political Disorders and Agrarian Problem in Fusagasugá Region, March 17, 1934A number of sporadic disturbances of a political nature took place in various parts of the country during June [1934].
Honda, a Magdalena River port in the Department of Tolima, was the scene of serious rioting and bloodshed for several days during the middle of the month as the culmination of a long feud between the commercial interests of the town and the president of the municipal council, a radical labor leader and agitator who had suceeded in having his adherents elected to a majority of the seats on the council, when the merchants refusd to pay the heavy taxes levied upon them by the council. In reprisal the president of the council suspended all public services such as electric light, police service, etc. Charges of malfeasance were brought against him and the mayor ordered his arrest. When the police attempted to make the arrest they were attacked by a mob of the laboring element and were obliged to fire upon the crown. As a result of the fracas seven persons were killed and seven were wounded, including the mayor.
On June 24 an armed conflict between "Uniristas" and departmental guards took place at an hacienda in the Chocho region near Fusagasugá, which has for months been the center of agrarian disturbances. About twenty men were wounded, one of whom died later. Some fifty of the agitators were arrested and order was restored by detachments of the National Police and the Departmental Guards.
Reports from North Santander, which has been relatively quiet for several months past, indicate that conditions there have again become unsettled since the Government's announcement that it would withdraw the troops stationed there to maintain order.
Political Disturbances, July 19, 1934A serious situation at the hacienda of "Tolima" near Ibagué, came to a head on August 14 when a band of armed squatters, tenants and agitators attacked a group of civil guards accompanying officials who had been ordered by the courts to make an appraisal of improvements made by one of the tenants. This appraisal was ordered at the request of the tenant, who subsequently joined the group which refused to allow the work to go on. When the officials insisted on continuing with the work they were attacked by the tenants and squatters, resulting in the death of seventeen people and the wounding of about 20 more. Most of those killed, aside from several belonging to the civil guard, proved to be unknown persons and not tenants of the hacienda. This property has for some time been the scene of communistic agitation. Political Disturbances, Sept. 20, 1934 [another excerpt of same document used in Liberal-Conservative Violence section above]
Signs of social unrest continue to appear in widely separated agricultural regions throughout the country. It is claimed that armed bands of communists are organized to go from place to place stirring up trouble among the country people. After the most recent of such disorders in Anapoima and Viotá, Cundinamarca, Dr. Juan Lozano y Lozano, new Secretary of Government of the department, made a tour of invetigation throughout that region and on his return submitted a report to the governor in which he urged that land owners should make some attempt to better the condition of their tenants in order to prevent much more serious trouble in the near future and the possibility of a strike during the coffee harvest. Social Unrest, Oct. 5, 1934
I have the honor to transmit herewith a copy of an address delivered by Dr. Jorge Eliecer Gaitán, chief of the Unión Nacional Izquierdista Revolucionaria, before the convention of that party for the Department of Cundinamarca.
Electoral Activities of Unirismo, April 16, 1935... La revolución se abre paso y los campesinos y obreros que han logrado ver con claridad cual es el sitio que les corresponde dentro de las filas de la revolución, ya empiezan a despertar del letargo en que los había mantenido la explotación capitalista.
Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, Sept. 25, 1934
Conservative Conspiracy discovered by the Government, June 23, 1936
[E]vidence of subversive movements re-appeared and an increase in clandestine traffic in arms and implements of war had been verified. Formal evidence reached the Government of a plan of subversive operations to which had been invited a number of retired army officers and to which officers in the active service in garrisons on the presidential route to Quito were invited to adhere. ... Even though the Government did not necessarily consider the National Directorate of the Conservative Party directly involved in the conspiracy, it placed the responsibility upon the Directorate because of the latter's policy of abstention from the elections by members of the party, its refusal to cooperate in the Government's activities and its exhortations to its members to disregard the laws. As a result of all this, the Minister claimed that members of the party had no legal way to express themselves and must resort to illegal acts such as the conspiracy just discovered. Conservative Conspiracy, June 28, 1936
"Derechista" Convention at Bogotá;
"Derechistas" and Conservatives, July 30, 1937
EL TIEMPO has for some time been publishing from four to eight articles a day emanating from the Transocean news service (a German agency) which have little real news value and are obiously propaganda for the German Nationalist régime. The articles consist mostly of optimistic reports regarding alleged improvement in conditions in Germany and denials of articles published in foreigh newspapers unfavorable to Chancellor Hitler's policies. Pro-Hitler Propaganda, Aug. 1, 1933
Organization of the Nazi Party in Colombia,
State Department, Division of Research for the American Republics, circa 1942
The Spanish Falange in the Western Hemisphere,
Federal Bureau of Investigation, December 1943
Appealing to national patriotism while attacking the twin "imperialisms" of
capitalism and communism, falangismo in the late 1930's and early 1940's
naturally took the form of support for the Axis colleagues of General Franco.
In Colombia, this was agreeable to Laureano Gómez. He had publicly shown
loyalty to the Franco regime as early as 1937. During a visit of Franco
officials that year, the Conservatives arranged a banquet at which Dr. Gómez
stated his approval: "Spain, marching forward as the sole defender of Christian
civilization, leads the Western nations in the reconstruction of the empire of
Hispanidad, and we inscribe our names in the roster of its phalanxes with
unutterable satisfaction.... We bless God who has permitted us to live in this
era of unforeseen transformations, and who has given it to us to utter, with a
cry that springs from the very depths of our heart: 'Up Catholic, Imperial
Spain!' "
Excerpt from Hispanidad and the Mechanics of Oppression, by John D. Martz
Se Inauguro en Barranquilla la Escuela de Aviacion Civil, El Tiempo, Dec. 6, 1939
Today's EL TIEMPO reports that for the past three weeks the National Police have had under surveillance a group believed to be plotting a coup d'état. This group is alleged to have planned to capture the President, three of his Ministers (not specified) the Governor of Cundinarmarca and the Director General of the Police as well as seizing the Presidential Palace and various military and police barracks. It appears, however, that for such ambitious plans, the number of conspirators was very small and that they lacked both arms and followers. The coup was to have taken place between midnight July 17 and 6:00 a.m. July 18. On July 13, the boxer "Mamatoco," who had figured in a previous alleged conspiracy was found murdered, a Colonel Sicard was arrested and orders were given to arrest a Lieutenant Espinosa. Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, July 20, 1943
This afternoon Mr. Alan Hadden, British Intelligence agent, informed me he had just learned from a contact of his that an Army officer who is a close friend of Mr. Hadden's contact had stated that there was definitely some sort of organization among Colombian Army officers which has as its object the overthrow of the present administration. According to Mr. Hadden, it was said that this group of officers had already planned to arrest President López if and when he returned to Colombia. Memorandum from Legal Attache to Ambassador, January 12, 1944
I have placed the MONTOYA-RUBAYATA-ESCOBAR combination under surveillance, and will report further in this regard. Memorandum from Vernon Lee Fluharty to Ambassador Lane, January 13, 1944
[I]t is very important for me to know to what persons, airmail boxes, or business houses in
Medellín, Tomás Quiñones Uribe of Cúcuta sends correspondence.
It occurs to me that you may have confidential sources of contact in Cúcuta who can furnish
you with this information ... [i]n the event that none occurs to you at present, it is possible that don
José Puyana or don Pedro Peña of the Compania General Automotriz may be able to handle the
matter confidentially for you. I recall that when I was in the Embassy they were able occasionally
to secure information in this fashion that we could not get through lack of established informants in
Cucúta.
Memorandum from Vernon Lee Fluharty to Ambassador Lane, January 14, 1944
I have the honor to inform the Embassy that I was advised last night, in strictest confidence,
by a leader of the Fourth party in Medellín, that he was told by Dr. Gerardo Molina,
national head of the Fourth party who is here from Bogotá visiting the exposition,
that approximately four weeks ago there took place in Bogotá a meeting of army
officers for the purpose of discussing a military coup d'etat.
According to the informant, this group of officers included high ranking officials, and
Dr. Molina said that the project had the support and backing of Gonzalo Restrepo, the
Minister of War.
Memorandum from Vernon Lee Fluharty to Ambassador Lane, January 17, 1944
From a usually reliable source I have learned that Laureano Gomez has transmitted orders to Medellin for the creation of a disturbance upon arrival of President Lopez here next Saturday. Also a completely trustworthy source told me that in a recent conversation with a local army officer he was told that the army in the present state of internal affairs was fully decided to fight for the "patrimony of the little man" and that in this present instance these words mean "to fight against the government." This officer added that a number of high ranking conservative army officers share this point of view and were ready to act accordingly. Telegram from Vernon Lee Fluharty, February 22, 1944
I have now had the information contained in my telegram under reference confirmed to me by another non-official, but extremely well-informed, political source, who states that the Conservatives placed in every Municipality have been given instructions for the organizing of subversive political activities, designed eventually to put the Conservatives into power, if necessary, through some violent action. Memorandum from Vernon Lee Fluharty to Ambassador Lane, March 15, 1944
According to the newspaper account it was the intention of the plotters to seize
the Municipal buildings, free the prisoners in the local jail, and take over the local civil
functions. ... The conspirators were prevented from carrying out the scheme through
the intervention of Monsegnor Antonio Jaramillo, the Bishop of Jericó, who
warned the Governor and permitted the authorities to take the proper steps of prevention.
The Embassy will recall my recent strictly confidential telegram advising that I had
learned from the under Secretary of the Departmental government that information
was in the hands of authorities, indicating that the Conservatives have placed
agents provocateurs in practically all Municipalities to create disturbances
of the type described above, and which occurred in Purificación.
Following is text of message addressed today to governors in all Departments: "Governors, it is known that a group of officials who appear to be led by Lt. Col. Gil, have taken prisoner in Pasto the President of the Republic, Dr. Alfonso Lopez. Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, July 10, 1944
"DIARIO POPULAR," communist newspaper, in an editorial on July 14 comments that Jorge Eliecer Gaitán, who has announced that he is "the people's candidate for President" remained "significantly mute" and made no statement in support of the government on July 10, 11, or 12. The "DIARIO POPULAR" points out that Colonel GIL adopted Gaitán's own phrase, "the moral restoration of the Republic," in describing the purpose of his rebellion. It was therefore particularly important that Gaitán express himself, says the editorial. Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, July 14, 1944
Son of Laureano Gomez, Alvaro Gomez Hurtado, has joined trio of "El Siglo" in the Ecuadoran Embassy. ... Consistent reports to this Legal Attache say that Alvaro Gomez has been actively working in Barranquilla and other coastal cities during the past months with the revolutionary leaders. Telegram from Bogotá Embassy to Secretary of State, July 17, 1944
According to official information received in the Office of the President of the Republic it is known that asylum has been granted in the Ecuadoran Embassy in Bogotá to Sra. Emilia Pardo Umaño, (and) Drs. Francisco Plata Bermúdez and Jaime Uribe Holguín of the staff of the newspaper El Siglo, and Sr. Alvarez Gómez Hurtado, son of Senator Laureano Gómez and a councilman of Bogotá. These refugees were implicated in the recent revolutionary occurrences in Colombia." Individuals Granted Asylum in the Ecuadoran Embassy in Bogotá, July 20, 1944
General Rafael PIZARRO and General Eduardo BONITTO, retired, have been placed under
military arrest for supposed complication in the 10 July uprising.
General Julio GAITAN, former Commander of the Third Brigades at Cali, and General LUIS
MATAMOROS, commanding the Sixth Brigade at Florencia, have been complicated in the
affair, and have been or will be detained.
Reports are current among officers of the Colombian Army that officers on trial before courts
martial stated as one means of defense that they had been led to believe that the movement had
the complete approval of the United States Embassy and the United States government, which
had approved the revolt in return for base privileges in Colombia
A court martial trying officers for alleged participation in the Pasto Uprising of 10 July 1944 returned the following verdicts ... a total of 107 officers have been, or will be, tried. Memorandum from Military Attache to Ambassador, August 16, 1944
Top Secret Telegram from Ambassador Wiley to Secretary of State, March 5, 1945
Telegram #367 from Ambassador Wiley to Secretary
of State, March 10, 1945
Reference is made to previous communications relative to the above captioned subject
matter. As you know the recently attempted revolution in Colombia was successfully put
down and conditions are slowly returning to normal.
As of possible interest to you there is attached hereto a memorandum furnished this
Bureau by a confidential, reliable source setting forth supplementary details relative to the
revolutionary attempt in Colombia. There have been no indications, to date, that the
hostilities were foreign inspired.
Partido Socialista Gran Colombia, July 24, 1945
Source F, an official police source of Ibague, advised that he had received information from
Source G, a former First Corporal of the Army who had been retired from the Army because
of the attempted overthrow of the Government July 10, 1944, to the effect that at the present
time there was being prepared throughout the country a new coup d'etat with a double
command, civil and military in Bogotá in which movement more than one hundred
retired military officers were in constant communication with the various Conservative
directorates.
March 19 plot - Colombia, March 30, 1945
Telegram #754 from Ambassador Wiley to Secretary of State, June 1, 1945
Telegram #367 from Medellín Consulate to
Secretary of State, June 21, 1945